Post by account_disabled on Mar 4, 2024 12:14:34 GMT 2
He has achieved this however at the cost of actively disregarding the goals of environmentalism the rights of sexual minorities and above all feminism all movements considered by the president as annoying distractions from the real underlying issue the fight against economic inequality and oligarchic power. In power Lpez Obrador has become an even more divisive political figure as he has intensified the traits of his populist rhetoric. It must be admitted that unlike what happens with figures like Viktor Orbn AMLOs style of populism has not discriminated against any group marking it as an intruder.
However the political opposition and any social movement or group that questions or antagonizes it in any way runs the risk of being displayed and insulted as an enemy. ntellectual and academic elites social movements and sometimes even the middle class as a whole. Worse still Lpez Obrador has designated the Russia Mobile Number List groups that vehemently criticize him such as some business sectors and the opposition politicians who have rejected his bills in Congress as enemies of the people and traitors to the homeland. Two years before the end of Lpez Obradors presidential term there are many sectors of the Mexican public for whom the moment of hope that his victory represented in has faded to be replaced by a new phase of disappointment.
Obradors contradictions as a public figure and the futile or perverse effects of some of his policies have created this new chapter of disenchantment. A central component of this disappointment has been AMLOs equivocal relationship with the values and procedures of representative constitutional democracy. Lpez Obradors words and actions sometimes create the feeling that the opposition is somehow illegitimate a kind of evil that has to be tolerated. The president furthermore is usually impatient with countermajoritarian institutions such as advisory bodies and independent judicial courts. His government has also been defined by a position of reproach against institutions in the public sphere such as the media universities and scientific communities. And while the public sphere in Mexico remains free and open AMLO has made the intimidation of journalists critical of his government one of his daily objectives.
However the political opposition and any social movement or group that questions or antagonizes it in any way runs the risk of being displayed and insulted as an enemy. ntellectual and academic elites social movements and sometimes even the middle class as a whole. Worse still Lpez Obrador has designated the Russia Mobile Number List groups that vehemently criticize him such as some business sectors and the opposition politicians who have rejected his bills in Congress as enemies of the people and traitors to the homeland. Two years before the end of Lpez Obradors presidential term there are many sectors of the Mexican public for whom the moment of hope that his victory represented in has faded to be replaced by a new phase of disappointment.
Obradors contradictions as a public figure and the futile or perverse effects of some of his policies have created this new chapter of disenchantment. A central component of this disappointment has been AMLOs equivocal relationship with the values and procedures of representative constitutional democracy. Lpez Obradors words and actions sometimes create the feeling that the opposition is somehow illegitimate a kind of evil that has to be tolerated. The president furthermore is usually impatient with countermajoritarian institutions such as advisory bodies and independent judicial courts. His government has also been defined by a position of reproach against institutions in the public sphere such as the media universities and scientific communities. And while the public sphere in Mexico remains free and open AMLO has made the intimidation of journalists critical of his government one of his daily objectives.